Four good things that emerged from our nation’s horrifying week
By Ruth Marcus,
Four good things emerged from one of the most horrifying weeks in our nation’s history. The terrorist attack of Sept. 11, 2001, was scarier, for sure, but it was a moment that summoned national unity and determination, not, as with the storming of the Capitol, fundamental fears for our democracy.
Still, this is a column about the good that unfolded alongside the bad. The first, more tentative and still germinating, is whether the insurrection marks a belated turning point in the Republican attitude toward President Trump — whether this time, unlike Charlottesville, unlike Helsinki, unlike the “perfect” phone call — he really did go too far.
As even Trump himself has conceded, he will be gone in days; his power is waning. The spate of resignations among administration officials, including Education Secretary Betsy DeVos and Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao; the call by the Wall Street Journal editorial board for Trump “to take personal responsibility and resign”; the disgust expressed by some congressional Republicans — all these are all positive portents.
Much more will be required to cleanse the GOP of the stain of Trump and Trumpism. His loyal base remains a potent force. The Republican National Committee must be purged of Trump supporters and Trumpian grifters. The party’s leaders must make clear that he is responsible for the weakened and morally compromised state in which the GOP now finds itself, without control of the White House or either house of Congress. Whether that will happen remains an open question — but at least it is now a real question.
The next three grounds for optimism this week involve the president-elect.
On Wednesday, Joe Biden rose to the terrible occasion. After inciting the mob, Trump refused to accept, no less condemn, the consequences of his reckless words. Biden stepped up. While Trump sniveled, telling the insurrectionists to go home without condemning their behavior and while asserting his love for them, Biden minced no words. “At this hour, our democracy is under an unprecedented assault,” he said. “This is not dissent. It is disorder. It is chaos. It borders on sedition. And it must end. Now.”
This is the presidential voice the country needs. For Democrats who have worried about whether the aging Biden has the fire to lead, it was a comforting sign. For Republicans who have been terrorized or deluded into thinking that the country is about to be taken over by socialists, it was a reassuring moment.
Earlier Wednesday, Georgia delivered a minor miracle. The hair’s breadth Senate majority that Democrats will soon enjoy will make an enormous difference — in Biden’s ability to have executive branch officials and judicial nominees confirmed, and in the power to bring legislation to the Senate floor.
This majority has limits, imposed by Senate filibuster that will require 60 votes to pass most measures, and by the reality of the diverse Democratic caucus, which will require the assent of moderates such as West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin III. This risks generating frustration among the Democratic base, which will demand more — eliminating the filibuster, expanding the Supreme Court, enacting statehood for the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico — than the slim majority can deliver. So be it. The upside of holding the majority is far greater than the threat of grumbling. Biden has been given — and Trump helped deliver — a glorious and unexpected gift.
Finally, in filling out his Cabinet, Biden has chosen in Judge Merrick Garland the best possible attorney general for a most difficult moment. The Justice Department has seen its morale destroyed and reputation shredded by four years of Trump and his enablers. Like Edward Levi in the aftermath of the Nixon presidency, the next attorney general will have the challenge of repairing the damage and rebuilding the norms that, until Trump and former attorney general William P. Barr came along, prevented the politicization of law enforcement.
Garland’s task is likely harder than Levi’s, because Garland is apt to be called on to make exquisitely difficult decisions about whether to investigate or prosecute the former president and his associates. That likelihood became far greater after Trump’s performance on Wednesday.
No one could be more suited to this moment than Garland. He is a seasoned veteran of the department. He is an experienced prosecutor. He is judicious, independent and fair-minded; he will not be swayed by partisan passions. Speaking after his selection was announced Thursday, Garland choked up as he referred to the violence at the Capitol.
“As everyone who watched yesterday’s events in Washington now understands, if they did not understand before, the rule of law is not just some lawyers’ turn of phrase,” Garland said. “It is the very foundation of our democracy. The essence of the rule of law is that like cases are treated alike. That there not be one rule for Democrats, and another for Republicans, one rule for friends, another for foes, one rule for the powerful, another for the powerless.”
There could be no more important, or more welcome, words in this moment of tragedy tinged by hope.
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Read more: The Post’s View: To heal America, we must repudiate not just Trump but also his politics of demonization Megan McArdle: Trump fed off the establishment’s moral outrage. So did his followers. David Ignatius: What went wrong with the protection of the U.S. Capitol Michele L. Norris: Believe what you saw. With all this country’s white grievance, it was inevitable. Jay Timmons: It’s time to invoke the 25th Amendment. Trump needs to be held accountable.
